CO129-478 - Public Offices & Others - 1922 — Page 364

CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案 All

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inarticulate. The importance of this point will be appreciated when it in explained that the Government discharges municipal as well as Colonial duties.

The proposed electorate will represent only a small minority of the inhabi- tants of the Colony.

The fact that Hongkong is a British possession on the fringe of China makes it necessary that the control of it should remain in British hands. For this reason it is impossible to have a thoroughly representative and responsi ble Government, because if all the Chinese, nt even that section which might claim technically to be British by the accident of birth though alien by tradition and sympathy, were to be enfranchised they would be the unchal lenged masters of the situation. As it is, they enjoy a considerable measure of control over their own local affairs in ways which are suited to their poli- tical development, through such bodies as the District Watchmen's Committee, the Tung Wab Hospital Board, the Po Leung Kuk and other local committees. boards and guilds. An official called the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, with a seat on both Councils, acta as a special intermediary for placing their views before the Government, and, in addition, they have two nominated repre- sentatives of their own race on the Legislative Council. Further, they are in a position to turn the scale in an election for a representative of the Unofficial Justices on the Council. It will be noticed, also, that it is proposed to allow them to recommend a third member to the Legislative Council if the European element is strengthened. Owing to their neglect to register births it would be impossible to say who are British subjects and who are not for electoral purposes, while in any case, the overwhelming majority of them lack the education to take an intelligent part in public affairs. The fact, however, that it is not prudent or practicable to enfranchise the Chinese furnishes no just reason for disenfranchising all but a very small percentage of "British subjects of pure European descent" to adopt the phraseology employed by the Secretary of State in sanctioning conscription for overseas service in the war. Lord Ripon while opposed to placing the power in the hands of a small oligarchy restricted by the limits of race." apparently saw nothing inconsistent with his ideas in the perpetuation of a British autocracy, though it is a copy-book maxim that two wrongs do not make a right.

The implied charge that non-official Europeans would not treat the Chinese as fairly as the European officials do has nothing to support it; but even if there were the desire to be unjust there would not be the opportunity. since the Officials and the Chinese combined would be in a majority on the Council and there would always be as a further safeguard, the Governor's veto, the Royal veto, and the power retained by the Imperial Parliament

to pass legislation for the Colony For purposes of illustration the British residents of the Colony may be likened to the proprietor of a boarding house, who, though he depends for his livelihood upon the support of the public, reserves the right to make the rules for the conduct of the establishment, always, of course, with due regard to the comfort of his patrons considered collectively.

That all the European Unofficial Members should be elected by the British. community:

sentation.

This can be dismissed at the present time as lying outside the pale of practical politics, more moderate demands having been consistently refused. Even if this were not so, it may be doubted whether it would be prudent to deprive the commercial interests of the Colony of the right to direct repre- The justification for the retention of the Justices' Member is not so strong, but it is a concession to those who are ready to admit the need for some reform but are afraid of going too far. The British temperament is cautious, and it is not usual to do away with old institutions until they have become mischievous. Certainly it can be said of the representatives of both the Chamber of Commerce and the Justices of the Peace that, unlike the nominated members, they have invariably been champions of popular rights In proof of this it is only necessary to recall the names of the Hon. Mr. T. H. Whitehead, the Hon. Mr. E. A. Hewitt, the Hon. Mr. H. E. Pollock, and the Hon. Mr. P. H. Holyoak,

The transient nature of the European population.

This objection applies with equal force to Shanghai, which has been very successfully administered for 60 years by an International Municipal Council (on which, it may be mentioned in passing, the Chinese have no repre- sentation at all), and to the officials-notably the Governor, who is usually appointed for five years only--who are liable to be sent elsewhere and, un- like many of the commercial men, have no permanent interest in the Colony.

Popular indifference to public affairs.

Though there is no leisured class in Hongkong it cannot be contended that any difficulty has been experienced in obtaining men willing to serve on either the Executive or Legislative Councils, although under existing con- ditions the field of selection is naturally very limited, and the prospect of recognition is so remote as to offer no attraction. For years past there has never been any dearth of candidates for the vacancies which have arisen on either body, and with the extension of the franchise and the increase in

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